Two Impressive Studies Have Reexamined Eric Williams’ Conclusion That Britain’s Abolition GMAT Reading Comprehension

Reading Passage Question

Two impressive studies have reexamined Eric Williams’ conclusion that Britain’s abolition of the slave trade in 1807 and its emancipation of slaves in its colonies in 1834 were driven primarily by economic (5) rather than humanitarian motives. Blighted by depleted soil, indebtedness, and the inefficiency of coerced labor, these colonies, according to Williams, had by 1807 become an impediment to British economic progress.

(10) Seymour Drescher provides a more balanced view. Rejecting interpretations based either on economic interest or the moral vision of abolitionists, Drescher has reconstructed the populist characteristics of British abolitionism, which appears to have cut across lines of (15) class, party, and religion. Noting that between 1780 and 1830 antislavery petitions outnumbered those on any other issue, including parliamentary reform, Drescher concludes that such support cannot be explained by economic interest alone, especially when (20) much of it came from the unenfranchised masses. Yet, aside from demonstrating that such support must have resulted at least in part from widespread literacy and a tradition of political activism, Drescher does not finally explain how England, a nation deeply divided by class (25) struggles, could mobilize popular support for antislavery measures proposed by otherwise conservative politicians in the House of Lords and approved there with little dissent.

David Eltis’ answer to that question actually (30) supports some of Williams’ insights. Eschewing Drescher’s idealization of British traditions of liberty, Eltis points to continuing use of low wages and Draconian vagrancy laws in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries to ensure the industriousness of (35) British workers. Indeed, certain notables even called for the enslavement of unemployed laborers who roamed the British countryside—an acceptance of coerced labor that Eltis attributes to a preindustrial desire to keep labor costs low and exports competitive. (40) By the late eighteenth century, however, a growing home market began to alert capitalists to the importance of “want creation” and to incentives such as higher wages as a means of increasing both worker productivity and the number of consumers. (45) Significantly, it was products grown by slaves, such as sugar, coffee, and tobacco, that stimulated new wants at all levels of British society and were the forerunners of products intended in modern capitalist societies to satisfy what Eltis describes as “nonsubsistence or (50) psychological needs.” Eltis concludes that in an economy that had begun to rely on voluntary labor to satisfy such needs, forced labor necessarily began to appear both inappropriate and counterproductive to employers. Eltis thus concludes that, while Williams (55) may well have underestimated the economic viability of the British colonies employing forced labor in the early 1800s, his insight into the economic motives for abolition was partly accurate. British leaders became committed to colonial labor reform only when they (60) became convinced, for reasons other than those cited by Williams, that free labor was more beneficial to the imperial economy.

“Two impressive studies have reexamined Eric Williams’ conclusion that Britain’s abolition”- is a GMAT reading comprehension passage with answers. Candidates need a strong knowledge of English GMAT reading comprehension.

This GMAT Reading Comprehension consists of 7 comprehension questions. The GMAT Reading Comprehension questions are designed for the purpose of testing candidates’ abilities in understanding, analyzing, and applying information or concepts. Candidates can actively prepare with the help of GMAT Reading Comprehension Practice Questions.

Solution and Explanation

Question 1
Which one of the following best describes the main idea of the passage?

(A) Although they disagree about the degree to which economic motives influenced Britain’s abolition of slavery, Drescher and Eltis both concede that moral persuasion by abolitionists was a significant factor.
(B) Although both Drescher and Eltis have questioned Williams’ analysis of the motivation behind Britain’s abolition of slavery, there is support for part of Williams’ conclusion.
(C) Because he has taken into account the populist characteristics of British abolitionism, Drescher’s explanation of what motivated Britain’s abolition of slavery is finally more persuasive than that of Eltis.
(D) Neither Eltis nor Drescher has succeeded in explaining why support for Britain’s abolition of slavery appears to have cut across lines of party, class, and religion.
(E) Although flawed in certain respects, Williams’ conclusions regarding the economic condition of British slave colonies early in the nineteenth century have been largely vindicated.

Question 2
It can be inferred that Eltis cites the views of “certain notables” (line 35) in order to

(A) support the claim that British traditions of liberty were not as strong as Drescher believed them to be
(B) support the contention that a strong labour force was important to Britain’s economy
(C) emphasize the importance of slavery as an institution in preindustrial Britain
(D) indicate that the laboring classes provided little support for the abolition of slavery
(E) establish that laborers in preindustrial Britain had few civil rights
Answer: A
Explanation: Eltis refers to the desire of certain notables to enslave unemployed laborers in order to point out that, contrary to Drescher’s belief. The British did not abolish slavery for reasons of principle. The British, in Eltis’ view, made decisions based on economic interests. Slavery was abolished when it proved to be harmful to the state’s economic interests.

(A) British populism appealed to people of varied classes, parties, and religions.
(B) Both capitalists and workers in Britain accepted the moral precepts of abolitionists.
(C) Forced labor in the colonies could not produce enough goods to satisfy British consumers.
(D) The operation of colonies based on forced labour was no longer economically advantageous.
(E) British workers became convinced that forced labor in the colonies prevented paid workers from receiving higher wages.

Question 4
According to Eltis, low wages and Draconian vagrancy laws in Britain in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries were intended to

(A) protect laborers against unscrupulous employment practices
(B) counter the move to enslave unemployed laborers
(C) ensure a cheap and productive work force
(D) ensure that the work force experienced no unemployment
(E) ensure that products produced in British colonies employing forced labor could compete effectively with those produced in Britain

Question 5
It can be inferred that the author of the passage views Drescher’s presentation of British traditions concerning liberty as

(A) accurately stated
(B) somewhat unrealistic
(C) carefully researched
(D) unnecessarily tentative
(E) superficially convincing

Question 6
The information in the passage suggests that Eltis and Drescher agree that

(A) people of all classes in Britain supported the abolition of slavery
(B) the motives behind Britain’s abolition of slavery were primarily economic
(C) the moral vision of abolitionists played a vital part in Britain’s abolition of slavery
(D) British traditions of liberty have been idealized by historians
(E) Britain’s tradition of political activism was primarily responsible for Britain’s abolition of slavery

Question 7
According to the passage, Eltis argues against which one of the following contentions?

(A) Popular support for antislavery measures existed in Britain in the early nineteenth century.
(B) In the early nineteenth century, colonies that employed forced labor were still economically viable.
(C) British views concerning personal liberty motivated nineteenth-century British opposition to slavery.
(D) Widespread literacy in Britain contributed to public opposition to slavery in the early nineteenth century.
(E) Antislavery measures proposed by conservative politicians in the early nineteenth century met with little opposition

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