Between the Beginning of World War II and the Fall of the Soviet Union

Reading Passage Question

Between the beginning of World War II and the fall of the Soviet Union, United States foreign policy was governed by one overriding principle: the country must defend itself against “any perceived menace” to national security. The Soviet Union was, from the end of World War II until its demise, perceived to be just that menace.

The end of the Cold War, however, along with a belated recognition of the limitations of American resources, has brought about a new scenario. No longer able to rely upon the dictates of one overriding policy, the government suddenly finds itself faced with decisions that require either a subtle reading of American ideals or the reconciliation of seemingly contradictory objectives. For example, in the case of the civil war and apparent genocide in Bosnia, which ideal--non-intervention in national self-determination, or advocacy of human rights--should the United States pursue? To what degree does our support for the authority of the United Nations tie the nation’s hands? In terms of world economics, should the United States support universal free trade, once viewed as an extremely effective weapon against the Soviets, even though the United States, with its weakened economy, may not ably compete on such a playing field? The only certainty is that the future holds difficult and potentially controversial choices for United States policy makers.

“Between the beginning of World War II and the fall of the Soviet Union”- is a GMAT reading comprehension passage with answers. Candidates need a strong knowledge of English GMAT reading comprehension.

This GMAT Reading Comprehension consists of 7 comprehension questions. The GMAT Reading Comprehension questions are designed for testing candidates’ abilities in understanding, analyzing, and applying information or concepts. Candidates can actively prepare with the help of GMAT Reading Comprehension Practice Questions.

Solution and explanation

1. It can be inferred from the passage that United States foreign policy makers considered their pursuit of containment of the Soviet Union justified by

(A) the possible threat posed to the safety of the United States
(B) evidence of a Soviet weapons build up
(C) the end of the Cold War and limits of United States resources
(D) the approval of that policy by the United Nations Security Council
(E) the Soviet policy of supporting oppressive, undemocratic governments

2. The author of the passage is arguing which of the following?

(A) History provides irrefutable evidence that countries must aggressively pursue their self-defense, even if such a pursuit mandates unprincipled behavior.
(B) The United States followed, from its inception, one foreign policy until its failure in Bosnia forced makers to reassess their priorities.
(C) For an extended period, United States foreign policy was guided by more clearly defined objectives than it currently is.
(D) The lesson of World War II mandates that the United States intervene to stop the genocidal war in Bosnia.
(E) The disintegration of the Soviet Union represents the greatest foreign policy success in United States history, and the United State's actions leading up to the Soviet Union's demise provide a possible blueprint for future foreign policy.

3. The passage cites which of the following as the reason that the Unites States currently faces a dilemma in formulating a foreign policy concerning the war in Bosnia?

1. Bosnia is part of what was formerly the Soviet bloc, and thus falls under former United States-Soviet policies.A
2. The United States lacks the economic and military power necessary to influence events in the region.
3. United States policy makers can identify no ideals pertinent to the events in the region.
4. The United States does not have compelling evidence that genocide is actually being committed in Bosnia.
5. Attempts to prepare such a policy have been frustrated by the existence of several apparently conflicting objectives.

4. The author of the passage implies that the recent trend in American foreign policy away from Cold War policy

1. points toward radical changes in the government's attitude toward the governments of non-Soviet countries such as Haiti and the Philippines.
2. is the result of a temporary confusion over recent developments, and will be reversed soon.
3. represents the only possible response to the greatly limited resources available in the United States at present.
4. is not solely the result of the demise of the Soviet Union.
5. signals the beginning of a new period of isolationism that will probably be more extreme than any previous such period in United States history.

5. It can be inferred from the passage that, prior to the end of World War II

1. the Soviet Union was perceived as the primary threat to United States security
2. the United States had not opposed the intervention of outsiders in the internal affairs of other nations
3. United States policy makers attempted to balance numerous different objectives in their formulation of foreign policy
4. the United States had a policy based on the existence of threats to its national security
5. the United States had never perceived any threat to its national security

6. The purpose of the first paragraph of the passage is to

1. outline the roots of present Soviet-United States policy
2. summarize the role of the United States in World War II
3. cite evidence supporting an active and aggressive foreign policy for the United States
4. provide a brief overview of post-1930s United States foreign policy
5. refute the idea that the Soviet Union was a "new" enemy after World War II

7. According to the passage, which of the following is the most accurate statement regarding the coming era in United States foreign policy?

1. the lack of a focus on a single policy opens the way for many complex and politically difficult situations.
2. In terms of world economics, the United States will no longer be as powerful in the arena of free trade as it once was.
3. Non-intervention in national self-determination will no longer be a viable policy.
4. The United States must learn to make subtle readings of difficult American ideals.
5. The United States must decide to what degree it supports United Nation authority in situations like Bosnia.

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